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Green groups wary as EU bets on future carbon capture to meet climate targets

As EU officials gatherED in Pau, France on Thursday (10 October) to discuss the development of carbon capture and storage (CCS), environmental groups have pointed to a huge drain on public money and a track record of project failure, while the European Commission is in talks with governments who have missed a legal deadline related to a CO2 storage target.

“Relying on CCS as a climate solution will force European governments to introduce eye-wateringly high subsidies to prop up a technology that has a history of failure,” said Andrew Reid, an energy finance analyst at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA), a sustainable energy think tank.

Reid is the author of a report released today that examines almost 200 projects on the drawing board across Europe today. He found CCS costs to be prohibitively high and concluded that upcoming projects currently on the drawing board in Europe could cost as much as €520 billion and require €140 billion of government support.

The report notes that the EU plans to ramp up the annual CO2 storage capacity to 50 million tonnes by 2030, 280MT a decade later, and 450MT by mid-century.

“As the small number of operational projects show, CCS is not likely to work as hoped and will take longer to implement than expected,” Reid said.

His report came just two days after the campaign group Oil Change International put out its own briefing which identified €3.3bn in subsidies already sunk into CCS projects in the EU, with up to €16bn more made available since 2020 as carbon capture has climbed back up the EU policy agenda.

“Despite 50 years of failure and over €3bn in subsidies from EU taxpayers, the fossil fuel industry still pushes carbon capture to boost its corporate profits, delay climate action, and distract from real solutions that would end the fossil fuel era,” said Myriam Douo, a campaigner with the US-based non-profit.

‘No alternative’

But EU energy commissioner Kadri Simson, opening the European Commission’s fourth Industrial Carbon Management Forum in Pau, southwest France, made it clear the EU executive now sees CCS as an integral part of its plan to meet the 2050 net-zero emissions goal, and the interim target it is set to propose early next year.

“Storage will play a major role in our journey to [net-zero by] 2050,” the EU’s top energy official said. “The 2040 climate target plan underlines that industrial carbon management is not just an alternative – it is a vital complement to renewable energy and energy efficiency.”

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  • Carbon capture key to reaching net-zero, but climate chief urges caution

Citing the newly operational Northern Lights undersea storage project in Norway, and Denmark’s awarding in June of Europe’s first licences to explore onshore sites for potential CO2 storage, Simson spoke of “tangible on the ground progress” but warned that high capital costs remained a barrier to deployment.

“We must implement targeted derisking measures and provide the necessary financial support,” Simson said. “This will help reach final investment decisions on these projects.”

CCS Europe, a trade association lobbying in Brussels on behalf of pipeline and technology providers and carbon intensive sectors like cement and incineration plants, has previously rejected criticism from both the IEEFA and Oil Change International, with director Chris Davies accusing them of a “lack of objectivity and perspective”.

“It claims that carbon capture projects consistently fail, but in Europe, Norway’s Sleipner and Snohvit projects continue to capture and store some 1.5 million tonnes of CO2 annually after nearly 30 years in use,” he said of projects where carbon dioxide removed during natural gas extraction is pumped back underground.

Davies told Euronews he hoped to see swift action from the next Commission such as the proposaL, within 100 days of taking office, of a requirement for governments to submit “national industrial carbon management strategies with timescales for delivery and details of financial support mechanisms that will be introduced”.

Missed deadline

In a bid to overcome the thorny question of who should pay to get the scale-up rolling, the EU recently adopted legislation that forces oil and gas companies – among the most enthusiastic cheerleaders for CCS over the years – to put in place at their own expense storage facilities capable of locking away 50 million tonnes of CO2 a year from 2030.

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  • Net Zero Industry Act sign-off heralds carbon capture deployment

For comparison, the Northern Lights project, in development since at least 2017 and opened with great fanfare last month, is expected to support injection of just 1.5MT a year – and backers Equinor, Shell and TotalEnergies only made a final investment decision after the Norwegian state put up the bulk of the cost.

Chairing a debate at the Pau conference, Davies voiced his frustration at the slow pace of development, and had representatives from Germany, Greece and Romania – all of whom are banking on CCS to help meet emissions reduction targets – admit that no final investment decisions had been taken so far in their countries.

Under the Net Zero Industry Act signed into law in May, petroleum firms will have to deploy permanent CO2 storage capacity in proportion to their share of EU oil and gas production between 2020 and 2022. Governments were required to provide the Commission with the relavent data by 30 September.

But only 18 member states have so far provided any data to the Commission, which is now focused on persuading the remaining nine governments – including the Netherlands – to comply with the law before it can divide the 50MT target among petroleum majors like ENI, Shell and TotalEnergies who are active in Europe.

French minister Bruno Retailleau pushes for stricter EU migration policy

As the newest minister to partake in the Council of the European Union, Frenchman Bruno Retailleau attended his first meeting of home affairs ministers on Thursday.

Before taking his first steps on the European stage, the French representative had immediately set his political stance: he wants a firmer approach to migration policy.

On his arrival in Luxembourg, the former president of the conservative Republicans party in the French parliament assured everyone that Europe would come together to protect its citizens “from migratory shocks.”

For European Policy Centre political analyst Eric Maurice, Retailleau is in line with the political guarantee he must provide within the minority French government, behind which the shadow of the far right constantly looms.

“Bruno Retailleau is a token given to the French right and the far right in terms of discourse since Bruno Retailleau is quite tough on migration issues,” Maurice told Euronews.

Following the parliamentary elections, no group obtained an absolute majority. The left-wing bloc, the New Popular Front, came out on top, ahead of the presidential camp, Ensemble, and the far-right National Rally.

The Republicans, who now hold the offices of the prime minister and interior minister, received 6% of the vote. This team’s political survival, which relies on the presidential centre and the Christian Democrats, therefore depends on the parties outside the coalition.

A ‘radically different world’

Having pushed for the European Pact on Asylum and Migration, adopted last spring after years of difficult negotiations, Retailleau is now calling for it to be implemented as quickly as possible, or even “in advance”.

The French minister also wants to review the Return Directive, whose guiding principle is to return all illegal immigrants to their country of origin or transit. This text, adopted in 2008, also sets the duration of detention and the treatment of minors.

Retailleau claimed the regulation was drafted and adopted “in a radically different world”.

“It is a misnomer because, in reality, the Return Directive prevents many people from returning,” he said.

In addition, the French interior minister “does not rule out any a priori solution” for transferring migrants to centres outside the EU along the lines of the agreement between Italy and Albania. “All innovative solutions must be used,” he insisted.

This radical approach is echoed across Europe. The far right is gaining ground at the polls in several member countries, Germany has reintroduced controls at its land borders, the Netherlands is reforming its asylum policy, and Hungary was fined 200 million euros by the EU Court of Justice in June on charges of “systematic and deliberate evasion” of European asylum policy.

Domestic target audience

“Perhaps Bruno Retailleau saw this as a political opportunity”, Maurice suggested.

“I think he has a mainly national vision. He is also someone who is not extremely well known on the national political scene. He was within the Senate, he was the leader of the right-wing group in the Senate.”

“But he needs to carve out a national political stature for himself. He needs to assert his political identity. I think we’re talking about a proactive stance to mark out his political territory within the coalition,” Maurice explained.

Retailleau also provoked controversy over the rule of law. He believes that, as a principle, it “is not intangible, nor sacred”, a comment quickly reframed by French Prime Minister Michel Barnier.

However, these comments seem to have won over Hungary’s PM Viktor Orbàn, who admitted to the press at the European Parliament in Strasbourg on Tuesday that he had “a great deal of respect for” the French minister.

State of the Union: Zelenskyy’s attempts to drum up new support

For weeks now, Europe is anxiously looking at its number one economic powerhouse, Germany – to be more precise: at the country’s ailing car manufacturers, some of Germany’s industrial pillars.

A serious car crisis in the Federal Republic, triggered by a quasi-collapse of the electrical vehicle market, could have severe consequences elsewhere in the EU.

Threats of historic job cuts, plant closures at Volkswagen and plunging earnings at Mercedes-Benz and BMW prompted emergency talks at Berlin’s economy ministry this week.

But given strained federal finances and fights with China over tariffs, the government’s toolbox is rather empty.

Nonetheless, economy minister Robert Habeck expressed his willingness to help but excluded quick fixes: “Everyone has said that planning is the most important thing. And that means long-term planning. Not a flash-in-the-pan action, because this only has the effect of pumping up the market again in the short term and then possibly collapsing again.”

Germany is in the uncomfortable position today to be forced to re-orient its entire manufacturing sector that depended on cheap Russian energy.

You can already hear Ukraine’s president Zelenskyy shouting: “I told you so!”

Zelenskyy was at the United Nations this week to drum up support for what he called his “victory plan”.

He also reacted to pleas from the European far-left and far-right to negotiate with Russia:

“We know some in the world want to talk to Putin. We know it. To meet, to talk, to speak. But what could they possibly hear from him? That he’s upset because we are exercising our right to defend our people, or that he wants to keep the war and terror going just so no one thinks he was wrong.”

How the Ukrainian economy keeps suffering from the war was detailed this week by the latest outlook from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development.

The EBRD covers not only Ukraine, but large parts of eastern Europe and central Asia. The bank’s findings are an important bellwether for the global economy.

We spoke to Beata Javorcik, the chief economist of the EBRD.

Euronews: So, your latest Regional Economic Prospects report is called “Along the adjustment path” – that sounds like a friendly way of saying “It’s disappointing”. What do the economies you invest in need to adjust to?

Javorcik: Well, the situation in Europe remains quite challenging. We continue to have very high prices of energy. Particularly the price of natural gas is five times as high as in the US. The demand for exports, particularly from Germany, is muted. Given the difficult situation of the German economy and, finally, the costs of borrowing continue to be high, there is this extra risk premium, this extra interest rate. Countries in the regions had to pay when the war in Ukraine started. And this risk premium continues to be there.

Euronews: On the upside are a decline in inflation and an increase in real wages. What exactly happened?

Javorcik: Well, by historical standards we have seen a very fast disinflation process, though of course the adjustment is not done yet. Inflation remains above the pre-COVID level, but on the positive side we have managed to avoid a hard landing. So, this fight with inflation has come without very big unpleasant effects in terms of unemployment. As the inflation episode started, we saw a big decline in real wages, but then real wages started catching up. That was visible in the last few months in the last year. They are not yet back to the pre-COVID trend, but they have certainly caught up in a significant way.

Euronews: I guess there are still some remaining inflationary pressures – what are they?

Javorcik: Inflation still remains high in some countries, such as Turkey or Egypt, still in high double digits. And depreciation of domestic currencies, which has made imports more expensive, has contributed to further inflation.

Euronews: One country is still in the spotlight: Ukraine. How are they coping with the ongoing war economically?

Javorcik: Well, despite the war early this year, so in the first quarter, Ukrainian economy managed to grow very fast. The bleak Black Sea corridor allowed Ukraine to export grain as well as metals and ores. But then this heavy bombing and destruction of electricity infrastructure happened. And that made the situation very difficult. There are rolling blackouts. There are shortages of electricity. The country is importing electricity from Europe, but it comes at a higher cost. And that’s weighing down on the economy.